Stop-Obama

The following quotes come from “Princeton Educated Blacks and the Black Community,” by Michelle LeVaughn Robinson, aka Mrs. Obama. You can download this searchable version, or the following four files which make for easier reading (better font, resolution, graphics): 1, 2, 3, 4.

It consists of 64 textual pages, tabulations of a questionnaire, and the questionnaire itself. Occasional typos, and a the vocabulary of a 10th grader, must belong its outstanding accomplishments. I didn’t get a chance to study at Princeton, but judging by Obama’s thesis, I would have no trouble cutting the grade.

Earlier in my college career, there was no doubt in my mind that as a member of the Black community I was somehow obligated to this community and would utilize all of my present and future resources to benefit this community first and foremost. My experiences at Princeton have made me far more aware of my “Blackness” than ever before. I have found that at Princeton no matter how liberal and open-minded some of my White professors and classmates try to be toward me, I sometimes feel like a visitor on campus; as if I really don’t belong. Regardless of the circumstances under which I interact with Whites at Princeton, it often seems as if, to them, I will always be Black first and a student second. [2]

These experiences have made it apparent to me that the path I have chosen to follow by attending Princeton will likely lead to my further integration and/or assimilation into a White cultural and social structure that will only allow me to remain on the periphery of society; never becoming a full participating. This realization has presently, made my goals to actively utilize my resources to benefit the Black community more desirable. [2]

At the same time, however, it is conceivable that my four years of exposure to a predominately [sic] White, Ivy League University has instilled within me certain conservative values. For example, as I enter my final year at Princeton, I find myself striving for many of the same goals as my White classmates– acceptance to a prestigious graduate or professional school or a high paying position in a successful corporation. Thus, my goals after Princeton are not a clear as before. [3]

Stokely Carmichael and Charles Hamilton’s (1967) developed definition of separationism in their discussion of Black Power which guided me in the formulation and use of this concept in the study.
The concept of Black Power rests on the fundamental premise: Before a group can enter the open society, it must close ranks. By this we mean that group solidarity is necessary before a group can operate effectively from a bargaining position of strength in a pluralistic society.’ [8]

Universities such as Princeton only began admitting Blacks in the 1960’s and presently Blacks comprise only about 10% of total enrollment [factually absolutely wrong: http://www.princeton.edu/mudd/news/faq/topics/African_Americans.shtml; also, 11% is part of population at the time] Due to the small number of Blacks in attendance, the University does not often meet the social and academic needs of its Black population because these universities focus their attention on accommodating the White students who comprise the majority of their enrollments. [12]

Dejoie discusses the claims of the negative effects of predominately White universities on the Black students attending those universities.Although I was unable to find empirical support for Dejoie’s essay, I feel the ideas she expressed are worth some discussion. Dejoie believes that “Institutional policies of predominately White universities have established practices which favor the prefered groups and have ranked priorities which are meant to facilitate the tasks and improve the conditions of White students while ignoring the needs of the Black students”.’ Dr. Dejoie goes on in her study to discuss the effects of biased curricula which does not encourage,”…The contribution of Blacks, the study of Blacks, as a group”.’ She states that Departments of Black Studies are kept very separate from White university curricula. Dejoie also discusses the negative aspects of social and non-academic activites at these schools: “Fraternities, sororities, homecoming activities and student government maintain the White status-auo. As in academic areas, the social aspects ofuniversity life systematically follow the interests of the White students–the majority group” [13]

As a result of such biases, both academic and non-academic, it is often difficult for some Black students to adjust to Princeton’s environment; and unfortunately there are very few adequate support groups which provide some form of guidance and counsel for Black students having difficulty making the transition from their home environments to Princeton’s environment. [14]

For example, respondents who have spent time with Blacks are likely to be more comfortable with Blacks and will, therefore, take a great interest in benefiting this group in comparison to other social groups. Consequently, it is also likely that these respondents are motivated to benefit self, theirloved ones (who are also likely to be Black) and the Black community in comparison to other social groups indicated by this variable. While Blacks who are more comfortable with Whites than with Blacks will probably be less interested in benefiting the Black community.
The more respondents spend time with Blacks, the more positive and compassionate they will be in their attitudes towards lower class Black Americans, expressing strong feelings of obligation to take part in improving their lives. Feelings of obligation will also tend to be strong for Blacks who have spent more time with Whites because of a general sense of compassion towards all underprivileged people. However, the feelings of pride in remaining apart from their lives will be much stronger than their feelings of pride in not remaining apart from their lives because these respondents will show tendencies of downplaying the relationship between themselves and other Blacks. [19]

The more the individual identifies with the Black community the more his attitudes will sway towards a positive relationship with the Black community, however, the more the individual identifies with the White community the more his attitudes will sway towards a negative relationship with the Black community. [21]

Although the data of this study do not permit us to determine the primacy of time over ideologies or vice versa, I have chosen to examine time as the major controlling variable of the study as demonstrated by the causal model in diagram 1. Thus, it is my hypothesis that the actual time the respondents spent with Blacks and Whites throughout the three periods of their lifetime will have a strong effect on the dependent variables of the study. [37]

For example, tables 19 and 19.1 demonstrate that the more respondents became sep/plur, during the Preto- Prin period, the more respondents became motivated to benefit the Black community; and the more int/assim they became, the more unmotivated they became to benefit the Black community.
One possible explanation for this occurance may be that both integrationist and separationist strive to benefit the Black community because supporters of these ideologies may believe that their ideologies best serve to benefit the Black community. [45]

However, it is possible that while a Black separationist may be solely concerned with the particular community he/she chooses to work within, a Black integrationist may be equally concerned with the Black and White communities, thus must divide his/hermotivations between these communities.
In essense, a Black integrationist who is dividing motivations between two groups is less concerned with benefiting the Black community specifically than a Black separationist who is placing his/her energies into the Black community only. [46]

My speculation for this finding is based on the possibility that a separationist is more likely to have a realistic impression of the plight of the Black lower class because of the likelihood that a separationist is more closely associated with the Black lower class than are integrationist. By actually working with the Black lower class or within their communities as a result of their ideologies, a separationist may better understand the desparation of their situation and feel more hopeless about a resolution as opposed to an integrationist who is ignorant to their plight.[50] [how pathetic, her own findings indicate integrationists and separationists are equally concerned with the black community, but integrationalists are more hopefull]

Unfortunately, the data do not provide a way of determining whether time or ideologies is more closely related to the dependent variables for reasons discussed earlier. [52]

In defining the concept of identification or the ability to identify with the Black community, I based my definition on the premise that there is a distinctive Black culture very different from White culture. Elements of Black culture which make it unique from White culture such as its music, its language, the struggles and a “consciousness” shared by its people may be attributed to the injustices and oppressions suffered by this race of people which are not comparable to the experiences of any other race of people through this country’s history.
However, with the increasing integration of Blacks into the mainstream society, many “integrated Blacks” have lost touch with the Black culture in their attempts to become adjusted and comfortable in their new culture–the White culture. Some of these Blacks are no longer able to enjoy the qualities which make Black culture so unique or are unable to openly share their culture with other Blacks because they have become so far removed from these experiences and, in some instances, ashamed of them as a result of their integration….It is with these ideas that I formulated my conception of identifying with the Black community. [54]

I now believe it is incorrect to assume that just because a Black individual does not enjoy or choose to participate in the culture of his people, that that individual is not interested in benefiting that group of people. [55]

Therefore, the inability to identify with one aspect of the Black culture does not necessarily cause apathy towards Blacks in general. [55]

Thus, defining identification as an appreciation and an enjoyment found in the Black culture is not complete enough for the purposes of the study. However, through my study I was able to redefine the concept of identification. [56]

It is my belief that a respondent’s sense of familiarity with the Black community or with the White community will result in the respondent’s inclination to become attached to Blacks or Whites on an individual and on a community level. [56]

Predominately White universities like Princeton are socially and academically designed to cater to the needs of the White students comprising the bulk of their enrollments. [58]

It is possible that Black individuals either chose to or felt pressured to come together with other Blacks on campus because of the belief that Blacks must join in solidarity to combat a White oppressor. [59]

I began this study questionning my own attitudes as a future alumnus. I wondered whether or not my education at Princeton would affect my identification with the Black community. I hoped that these findings would help me conclude that despite the high degree of identification with Whites as a result of the educational and occupational path that Black Princeton alumni follow, the alumni would still maintain a certain level of identification with the Black community. However, these findings do not support this possibility. [63]

Thus, these findings suggest that respondents who experience change as a result of their Princeton experiences are likely to identify less with Blacks and the Black community in comparison to Whites and the Whites community. [64]

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